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SERMON

OK THB

DEATH OF GENERAL HARRISON,

SBLIVSnES

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IN MIDDLEBURY, VERMONT,

THE DAT OF THB

NATIONAL FAST.

BY REV. BSNJAMIST LABARKK, A. M.

rresiUeiit of Middlebury Collrjft.

FCTBLTSnBD BI RKQ0B6T.

MIDDLEBURY:

POINTED By E. MAXHAM,

1

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Kl^iSi?-'

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8]BRMON

OS THE

DEATH OF GENERAL HARRISON,

ZELIVEREi!

IN MIDDLEBURY, VERMONT,

ON THE Uly or THB

NATIONAL FAST

BY REV. BENJAMIN £.ABAREE, A M.

Preeideut of Mlddlebury College.

fVBLnaao bv rk^uust.

MIDDLEBURY:

PRIKTED BS" E. MAX HAM. 1841.

DISCOURSE.

HABAKKUK, HI; 2. O Lord, I bave heard thy speech, and was afraid-

God speaks to us in the language of his Providence, as well as in the records of revealed truth. "The voice of the Lord is upon the waters ; the God of glory thundereth ; The voice of the Lord breaketh the cedars, the Lord breaketh the ce- dars of Lebanon." His voice is heard in •' the pestilence that walketh in darkness, and in the destruction that wasteth at noon day". It is sometimes heard in the ravages of war, in the disasters of commerce, in the derangements of trade, and in the devouring conflagration. To the inhabitants of this land, He has recently spoken in the emphatic language of be- reavement.

For the first time in our history, the highest functionary of Government, has exchanged the robes of authority for the vestm.ents of the tomb. An event so striking, so peculiar in its circumstances, and so evidently marked with the hand of Divine Providence, demands the calm, the serious attention of every christian and of every citizen. What is the meaning of this afflictive dispensation ? Hath God a controversy with this nation, and is He thus directing us as a people to call our ways to remembrance, and to turn our feet into the Divine testimonies ? Is He saying to us " Let all the earth fear the Lord, let all the inhabitants stand in awe of Him. For He spake and it was done"? Is not the appropriate respone of each heart, "O Lord, I have heard thy speech and was afraid"

That our citizens generally, are disposed to regard this event as a national affliction, and as the voice of the Almighty speaking in the language of His Providence, we have most gratifying evidence. What means this solemn stillness that has so suddenly come over the nation ? Read the eventful history of the last fev/ months, and tell me, what mighty power, what magic spell, has hushed to silence the angry ele- ments and left them so tranquil, so serene ! But yesterday, and this great Republic v/as convulsed by the most extraor- dinary scenes of political excitement that our country has ever witnessed. From our Atlantic cities to the remotest set- tlement, there were to be seen conventions and processions and gatherings of the people, and the deep foundations of so- ciety were moved by some mighty, though unseen agency. Party was arrayed against party, neighbor against neighbor, friend against friend, all contending with the full measure of their ability to accomplish their respective ends, seeming to believe that the political salvation of the nation depended up- on the issue. So fierce was the conflict, so determined the combatants, that many a friend of liberty, standing aloof from the arena of strife, looked on tremblingly, lest our political fabric should be unable to resist the violence of the shock ; the crisis came, and whether the Republic has received detri- ment from the struggle and its results, time and the future his- torian must determine.

He, whom the people delighted to honor, left his'humble abode in the distant west, to become the occupant of the na- tion's palace. He reached the seat of government, was in- vested with the insignia of an office, that placed him at once above the dignity of crowned heads and of hereditary mon- archs. In the midst of congratulating thousands, he took the solemn oath to maintain the principles of the constitution and faithfully to execute the laws.

We read the address delivered at his induction to office, we watched with interest the commencement of an adminis- tration, that had been preceded by so many striking incidents.

Soon arrived the proclamation for an extraordinary conven- tion of Congress. Public attention was kept awake, speculation

5

was rife respecting the measures of public policy that were to be pursued by the new government ; political partisans were burnishing their armor and girding themselves a-new for at- tack and defence ; every public movement at Washington was attended with unusual interest, when lo, the mournfaj sad- dening rumor is wafted to our ears, that dangerous disease had entered the executive mansion and invaded its distinguished occupant; then, that the skill of science and experience was baf- fled by the violent malady, and all hope was extinct, except in an arm Divine. The throne of grace was not forgotten. Many a fervent, importunate prayer ascended to Him, who hath the power of life and of death, that the venerable man might be spared yet longer, to his friends and his country. An alwise, but inscrutable Providence had otherwise determined. He who had been so recently elevated to the highest office in the gift of a nation of freemen, was called in one short month, from the cares and perplexities and distinguished hon- ours of earth, to the untried scenes of eternity.

Death is no respecter of persons. Helpless infancy and ripe old age, the President in his chair of state and the slave in his lowly dwelling, are alike exposed to the unerring shafts of the destroyer. And what power in Death to calm the angry surges of political strife, and to teach us "what shadows we are, and what shadows v/e pursue." How solemnly and for- cibly does he impress upon our hearts, the instability of all earthly greatness, the uncertainty of human calculations and the folly of earth-born ambition. With one fatal stroke, he quiets the tempests of human passion and puts to slumber the animosities of the heart.

And what is the appropriate manner of noticing this pain- ful and signal dispensation of Providence ? Would it befit the solemnities of this occasion to canvass the political principles, to weigh the military services, or attempt to measure the in- tellectual stature, of the illustrious dead? We do not so under- stand our duty. This is not the place for censure, if censure were deserved. Ours is the Roman motto, " De mortuis, nil nisi honum'^; of the dead speak only in terms of commenda- tion. Neither is high-wrought eulogy our object. A brief

6

notice of his eventful life, and some prominent traits in his moral and religious character, will not be foreign nor inappro- priate to the solemnities of the day.

William Henry Harrison was born in Charles City count}', Virginia, on the 9th of February, 1773. His father, Benja- min Harrison, was an illustrious patriot of the Revolution, and a signer of the Declaration of Independence* At the early age of 19, young Harrison received an ensign's commission in the army that was shortly after placed under Gen. Wayne, and destined to defend the pioneer settlers in the territory North West of the Ohio. In different military expeditions, he seems to have acquitted himself honorably, and to have re- ceived the marked approbation of his General. At the age of 22, he was put in command of Fort Washington, now Cin- cinnati, with large and important discretionary powers ; more suited, one would think, to the judgment and experience of middle life, than to the capacities of a youth, who had but just attained his majority.

After the close of that war with the Indians, he resigned his commission in the army, and was appointed Secretary of the Northwestern Territory ; and in two years after, was sent a Delegate to Congress. In the year 1800, that Territory was divided, and Mr. Harrison, at the age of 27, was appointed Governor of Indiana, including Indiana, Illinois, Michigan and part of Louisiana, and invested with extensive powers, civil and military. In 1803, he was selected by President Jeffer- son, a commissioner to make treaties with the Indians, respec- ting their boundaries and lands. He is said to have made thirteen important treaties, and to have obtained from different tribes, by these pacific means, tracts of valuable land, amount- ing to more than sixty millions of acres.

He held the office of Governor twelve years, receiving the appointment from year to year at the request of the people, from the successive Presidents, Adams, Jefferson and Madison. During this period occurred the war with the Indian Prophet, brother of Tecumthe, and the decisive and spirited battle of Tippecanoe.

After the declaration of war against Great Britain in 1812,

Governor Harrison received the appointment of Major Gen- eral, iri the Kentucky militia, and soon after, he was appoint- ed, by the President of the United States, Commander ia Chief of the North Western Army, with unusual and almost unlimited powers.

His services in the campaigns of 1812 13, have been va- riously estimated, but if success is any criterion of the skill and capacity of a general, we shall be compelled to conclude that his military abilities were of a high order. The gallant defence of Fort Meigs, and the successful battle of the Thames, together vvith the brilliant victory of Perry on Lake Erie, put an end to the war on our Northwestern frontier. His talents as a commander were highly estimated at Washington. He received the thanks of Congress and the unqualified approba- tion of the President, who says in his message, subsequent to the battle of the Thames, " that the ofticer commanding the Northwestern army, had forced the enemy to a general ac- tion, which terminated in the capture of the British, and dis- persion of the savage force ; a result slgnaUy honorable to Major General Harrison, ly wliose military talents it was ■per- formed.^*

He resigned his commission in the army in 1814, and again was appointed a commissioner to treat with the Indians, which dutj' he seems to have discharged with great success. In 1816 he was elected a member of the lower House of Congress from Ohio ; in 1819, a member of the Senate in the Legislature of that State ; and in 1824, he was elevated to the Senate of the United States.

In 1828 he vt-as appointed by President Adams, Envoy Ex- traordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to the Republic of Colombia ; and in the following year, he addressed his cele- brated letter to Bolivar, which is thought by many to be a pro- duction that does credit to his head and heart. Soon after the accession of General Jackson to the Presidency in 1829, he was recalled from Colombia, and subsequently resided on his farm at North Bend, about 15 miles below Cincinnati. In 1836 he was an unsuccessful candidate for the Presidency of the United States. At the subsequent election in 1840, ho

8

received a largo majority of the electoral votes. He v/aa in- augurated ontiie 4th of March, 1841, aud died vn the 4th of April following, aged 68 years and 2 months.

No death has occurred in our country for many years, per- haps never, which .produced so great a sensation, as that of our late President. "Shall a trumpet be blown in the city and the people not be afraid ? Shall there be evil in a city and the Lord hath not done it ?" And what are the admonitions that God seems to be giving to this nation, by this mournful event? Does he not call upon us to re-examine the ground we occu- py, and the principles we embrace in relation to national ac- countability? and to inquire whether we have not as a people, reason to apprehend still "sorer judgments" for our national sins, our forgetfulness of Him whose rich and varied blessings we have long enjoyed ?

Are nations accountable for their actions? Will God bring them into judgment for their transgressions of his law? Most are ready to admit, that the retributions of Heaven await the individual, and as he does not receive, in this life, the punish- ment due to his offences, it will be inflicted in a future state of being ; but nations, as such, have no future existence, and therefore, the retributions of a sin-avenging God, must visit them, if at all, in this world.

He who sitteth in the Heavens, takcth notice of all events that transpire in the universe, wdiether these events result from the actions of individuals or of nations. He is a righteous Governor, and this character He exhibits in his Providential dealings with the nations of the earth. " The eyes of the Lord are over the righteous and his ears are open to their cries, but the face of the Lord is against them that do evil. Those that honor me I v, ill honor, and they that despise me shall be light- ly esteemed." He shows his special displeaure against a sin- ful people, by "turning a fruitful land into barrenness, for the wickedness of them that dwell therein."

What has caused the decline and fall of the great kingdoms and empires of past ages? Was it not their vices and their crimes ? Where is Egypt, once the most powerful, learned and prosperous nation on the Glode ? She was destroyed bv

her own vices. And where is that great republic, so renown- ed in history and in song, sointelHgent, and so refined ? Even profane historians tell us, that Greece fell a victim to her own voluptuousness. Shall I mention that proud and warlike na- tion, which pushed her conquests well nigh through the known world, that made all other people her tributaries and slaves ? Long, long since, was her name blotted from the history of nations ; it exists now only among the things that have been. Would you know the cause of her decay and final ruin ? You may read it in the pride, the irreligion, the "contempt of mor- al principle, and the general corruption of her citizens.

But it may be said, all this follows in the way of natural consequence, it is the nature and tendency of such vices to bring destruction upon a people, and the agency of Heaven was not necessary to accomplish their ruin. But who estab- lished this connexion between vice and wretchedness ? Who determined that luxury and voluptuousness should produce ef- feminacy, disease and death ? Was it nature, or nature's God? And is it any the less an indication of God's displeasure against sin, that He has by unalterable laws, established a connexion between the crime and its punishment ? INIay not his voice and his agency be as distinctly heard and seen in this fixed arrangement between sin and suffering, as they are in the tornado that prostrates the village, or the pestilence that de- populates the city ?

Revelation here comes to our aid and assures us that some nations have been punished, and others destroyed for their disre- gard of virtue and of God. Why was Babylon, that great and beautiful city, razed to its foundations ?

Her king and her nobles had ceased to decree justice, had shown marked contempt for the character and authority of God. The people partook in the vices of their rulers and shar- ed in their humiliation and ruin.

Were not the inhabitants of Canaan dispossessed of their country and finally exterminated, on account of their rebellion against the king of Heaven ? Are not the Amorites, theEdom- ites and the cities of the plain, set forth as examples of Heav- en's judgments upon a wicked people ?

2

10

The history of the Israelites may furnish lessons of Avisdom and caution to all nations. How carefully did the Almighty watch over them ; how kindly and how frequently did He counsel them to walk in the ways of his commandments ! What rich and abundant blessings did he promise them, if they would abstain from the worship of idols, and serve the one living and true God ! He would defend them from all evil, would make them a great and happy people : they should be " blessed in their basket and in their store", should have fruit- ful seasons and "plenteous harvests. But if they rebelled against him and followed the ways of sin, He would send se- vere judgments upon them, they should perish by famine, pes- tilence or the sword. His dealings with that people uniform- ly accorded with these promises and threatenings.

The blessings bestowed and the punishments inflicted upon the Jews, illustrate the manner of His government over na- tions. By Him kings reign and princes decree justice. His unseen hand is controlling the affairs of all people. His lan- guage is :

"At what instant I shall speak concerning a nation and concerning a kingdom, to pluck up, and pull down and to des- troy it,if that nation against whom I have pronounced,turn from their evil, I will repent of the evil that I thought to do unto them. And at what instant I shall speak concerning a nation to build and to plant it, if it do evil in my sight, that it obey not my voice, then I will repent of the good wherewith I said I would benefit them."

These are the principles which govern His providential deal- ings with nations. He bestows his blessing. He affords His protection to virtuous and obedient nations ; He exercises for- bearance towards a wicked people for a season, but if thay continue to do evU, He hath whet His sword. He hath bent His bow and made ready. He doth not utterly destroy at once, but warns, threatens, and sends partial judgments, that the people may know and fear Him. Of old He waited until the iniquity of the Amorites was full, and then the bolts of His wrath were sent to blast and to destroy.

If this be the course of the Divine administration, no nation «an transgress tho laws of God with impunity. And how

11

then can this nation hope to enjoy the protection and favor of the Almighty, unless her government and her citizens, prac- tise those virtues that are pleasing in His sight.

Respecting individuals it is said that much will be required of him to whom much is given, and "he that knoweth his master's will and doeth it not, shall be beaten with many- stripes. " Should we apply these principles to nations and why may we not ? how much would be required of us, and what reason have we to apprehend the severe chastisements of the Lord ? Review our history as a people from the time our fath- ers landed upon the far-famed rock until the present hour, and what a crowd of reflections press upon the mind ! What occa- sion for gratitude ! what unnumbered mercies have descended upon us ; sometimes in copious showers, and sometimes like ihe gentle dew that distils upon the mown grass. With the exception of His own peculiar people, the history of nations furnishes no parallel to the extraordinary blessings that God has bestowed upon us. To whom much is given, of them will much be required. How then can we measure the magni- tude of our obligations ? and how shall we estimate the tm-pi- tude of our national offences ? Well may we exclaim, when a voice from Heaven speaks to us, " O Lord, I have heard thy speech, and was afraid". Have we no cause for serious ap- prehension, that the vices and crimes which prevail among U3 will bring down the judgments of an offended God ?

Let us take a brief survey of the moral condition of this nation, and ascertain, if we can, what are the sins that expose "US to divine wrath.

Among these, the parent of many others, I shall place Ix.-

FIDELITV.

There is doubtless in our country at the present time, more external respect paid to the forms of religion, than there was at a former period. Religion of some kind has become inter- woven in the texture of our society ; it claims respect and is professedly respected by large numbers ; but the infidelity of Paine, Volney and Voltaire is by no means extinct.

Its broad dark pennant, planted on many a lofty eminence, and waving over many a pleasant valley, is alluring to its

12

standard the'gay, the licentious and the profane. " Live while you Hve, for death is an eternal sleep," is the motto inscribed upon its murky banner. It is waging undisguised war against the religion of the cross. Under the attractive motto, of " Rights of man and free inquiry", it is seducing many a promising youth from the paths of sobriety and virtue. It tells them that religion is the invention of artful and designing men, who wish to enslave the minds of a generous and confiding people, and elevate themselves to places of influence and dis- tinction. It teaches them that the stings of conscience are but the workings of remaining superstition, that their fears and scruples are indications of a feeble intellect. It imposes no restraint upon the vicious propensities of the libertine, but urges him forward in his career of vice, and applauds him for despising the rebukes of a virtuous public sentiment. " It con- founds all moral distinctions, and saps the foundation of social order and public happiness.

It tells the man of grey hairs, that from his childhood he has been governed by the false principles of bigotry, and now calls upon him to atone for the injuries he has inflicted upon society, by bursting the shackles of prejuchce, andjpro- claiming to the world that he is a. free thinker.

It proposes, indeed, to introduce a new code of morals, and commences the work of reform hy repealing the commands of the Decalogue.

Open, avowed infidelity, formidable as it may appear, ex- cites less apprehension in a reflecting mind, than that which faintly acknowledges the importance and utility of Christian- ity, but in practice denies them both. If the duties or doc- trines of religion interfere with private interest or personal convenience, they must be set aside as too rigid and unaccom- modating for the practical purposes of life. This species of Infidelity assumes all the varied aspects, that can be imagined between the extremes of pantheistic transcendentalism, on the one hand, and lifeless antinomian orthodoxy on the other.

Among its more prominent developments, I shall mention, Desecration of the Sabbath.

The Almighty has declared in unequivocal terms, "Thou

13

.shalt remember the Sabbath day to keep it holy," but the practical reply of multitudes among us is " Who is the Lord that loe should obey himy This is one of the sins for which tlie Jews were so severely rebuked by the prophets, and which brought judgments upon their land. Nehemiah says, "Then I contended with the nobles of Judah and said unto them, What evil thing is this that ye do and profane the Sabbath ? Did not your fathers thus, and did not oiu" God bring this evil upon us and upon our city ? Yet ye bring more wrath upon Israel by profaning the Sabbath." If the obligation to keep the fourth command remains in full force, as all must admit, and if its continued violation exposes a nation to the judgments of Heaven, what are the prospects of our countiy 1 How is the Sabbath regarded in our land? In some places the day is ushered in by the discharge of artillery and the sound of martial music, and the sacred hours are spent in military pa- rades and reviews. Many choose the Sabbath for excursions of pleasure, and for the interchange of social visits. Others retire to their offices and their counting rooms, and spend the day in secular correspondence or commercial calcula- tions. Our canals and railroads and navigable waters, are teeming every Sabbath, with the thoughtless and the profane, who seem wholly to disregard the commands and the threat- enings of Omnipotence. Men high in office give the influ- ence of their example to the desecration of the Sabbath; and even our law-makers, our national legislatm-e, have, by legal enactments, compelled many an officer of government to violate the Sabbath, under penalty of removal from office. And what a humiliating spectacle is sometimes presented to this nation by our public servants in the halls of Congress ! Party contention and prolonged debates on subjects of the most trivial importance, are permitted to consume time till near the close of the session, when the aflairs of the nation demand attention, and neglected business has so accumulat- ed upon their hands, as to compel them, so they say, to en- croach upon the Sabbath. Is it strange that public conscience is so callous on this subject, when the constituted authorities openly and deliberately violate the laws of God 1 What has

14

our nation to expect from Ilim whose commands are tram- pled under foot by public fanctionaries as well as by private citizens? Let the history of the guilty outcast Israelites an- swer. Let the more recent history of atheistic France answer. She endeavored to obliterate religion by expunging the Sab- bath from her calendar, and God gave the nation up to its own delusion ; mutual jealousies, and civil discords, strata- gems and murder, anarchy and bloodshed prevailed, and every crime that disgraces humanity was greedily practised by these despisers of the Sabbath. Have we no cause to fear that the bloodstained scenes of France may be reacted upon our soil ?

Falsehood and Detraction are becoming characteristics of our times.

What mean these assaults upon character, these misstate- ments of facts, this fabrication of circumstances, this impeach- ment of motives, so current in our land? Examine the char- acter of the political press. Does it furnish you information true respecting the principles, the conduct and qualifications of those in power, or of those who are candidates for office ? On matters unconnected with politics you may regard its statements as truthful, but if the interests of party are involv- ed, if the elevation of a political friend can be secured or the election of an opponent defeated, falsehood the most glaring, and scandal the most infamous are considered, with some hon- orable exceptions, most legitimate and appropriate weapons. Whence came that odious maxim that, "all is fair in politics ?" By what ingenious sophistry, by what perversion of the moral sense, by what strange hallucination of mind, can reflecting men persuade themselves that this is a correct principle of ac tion ? Are political principles divested of every element of morality ? politics and ethics divorced ? private virtue one thing and political virtue another ? Must I treat my neighbor with courtesy and kindness in his private and social relations, extend to him the hand of friendship and give him my sym- pathies in his misfortunes, and my confidence in his personal integrity ; but when he differs from ine in political opinions, and has the misfortune, perhaps, to be selected by his fellow

15

citizens for an office of honor and responsibility, shall I think myself absolved from all moral and social obligations ? May I then traduce his character, blacken his reputation, and at- tempt to destroy the confidence of the community in his integ- rity and capacity? And is this what politicians call/«ir?

I ask asrain whence came this detestable maxim ? Not from the Book of God ; not from a wise understanding; not from a virtuous heart ? Its paternity is by no means equivocal.

And what is the effect of this perverse maxim upon the pub- lic mind ? Has it not a tendency to destroy all confidence in our statesmen and rulers ? How can the people know the truo character of their public servants, when statements so opposite and irreconcileable are made and reiterated with all appar- ent sincerity ? Some of the purest patriots, the most able statesmen, and the most true hearted republicans, are proved, by affidavits if you choose, to be little better than knaves and political hypocrites. Others who have no claim to promotion but what unbridled ambition and violent party spirit may give, are invested with the mantle of disinterested zeal and exalted, immaculate patriotism. The same individual, viewed through one medium, is pure, patriotic, generous highly gifted; through another medium, he appears corrupt, selfish, ambitious, intrigu- ing and stupid.

Many are compelled to resort to private sources, for infor- mation respecting the character and fitness of our public men, for they know not how to reconcile the conflicting statements of the party press. But the people generally see but one side of the question ; they believe what their partisan editors tell them. They learn that this man is a genuine re- publican, but his opponent is a tory in disguise ; that this set of principles is entirely in accordance with our democratic in- stitutions, but the opposite will subvert our liberties and lead to monarchy or despotism* One man learns that the party to which he is opposed, is made up of infidels, agrarians and vag- abonds ; while his neighbor of the other side is taught that his opponents are proud, haughty aristocrats.

Is it surprising that the people should be so deeply interest, ed, and should manifest so much warmth and zeal in main-

16

taining the principles of their respective parties, when they are made to believe, that the preservation of their liberties depends upon their fidelity to party interests ?

What must be the opinion of foreigners respecting our statesmen,if they should believe all the calumnious reports that are published ? and must they not regard us, as a most degra- ded people, if we commit the concerns of government to men of feeble capacity and corrupt principles?

This foul spirit of party, which can see no intellectual abil- ity or moral worth in a political opponent, and no weakness or turpitude in a party friend, though black with moral stains, must be cast out, or it will rend us asunder and provoke the judgments of a righteous and truth-loving God.

Another evil peculiar to our nation is, inordinate desire

OF GAIN.

Our country presents an Immense mart, in which men of all classes and conditions, are absorbed in buying and selling and getting gain. With multitudes, this is the main-spring to effort, the grand object of their existence. It is not the governing principle of the merchant merely, who sends his ships on long and perilous voyages ; it is not confined to the speculator by profession, nor to the emigrant, who leaves his pleasant and cheerful home in the East, and plunges into the gloomy forests of the West, that he may improve his condi- tion ; it extends to all classes, pervades all societies, and reaches all professions ; it seems to be a national passion.

Should some shrewd inhabitant of a distant planet visit our world, to ascertain who was the Deity of our adoration, he might, by glancing hastily at our numerous spires and churches on the Sabbath, conclude that the true God had ma- ny devout worshipers ; but a more intimate acquaintance with our habits, and modes of thinking and of speaking, would con- vince him that if we had any natienal Deity, it must be Mam- mon.

Witness the wild frenzy of speculation that has prevailed among us for a few years past. What energy of enterprise, what Utopian schemes, what an agony of effort, to accumu- late wealth! The demoralizing effect of this public mania,

17

cau not easily be estimated. Look at the splendid palaces ot our city merchants, which we are told, already surpass in magnificence, those of many European princes ; and see the flood of extravagance and voluptuousness, that is overspread- ing the country ; and call to mind the broken promises, the solemn pledges violated^ and the stupendous frauds, all of which accompany or follow this blind adoration of gold, and you have some of the moral results of this species of fanati- cism.

Providence has inflicted upon us no special judgments for our idolatry of wealth ; He has permitted the evil to work out its own results. Credit prostrated, business deranged, affluent families reduced to penury, thousands of the industrious poor thrown out of employment, and society convulsed ; are the le- gitimate fruits of this restless desire of gain.

Politicians tell us indeed, that this is all attributable to a bad government, mismanagement of our financial affairs. On that point I have only to say, that whoever, in searching for the reasons of our pecuniary embarrassments, leaves out of view the natural consequences of our folly and extravagance, must take a very partial and inadequate survey of the subject.

Luxury has been the bane and the ruin of other republics ; are there not tendencies, already existing among us, that will prove equally disastrous to our national virtue and national existence. Let the fate of Tyre admonish us. " Tyre did build herself a strong hold, and heaped up silver as the dust,and fine gold as the mire of the streets. Behold the Lord will cast her out, and He will smite her as the sea, and she shall be devoured with fire."

DisREGAKD OF Law is coming to be one of the signs of the times, and one that can not be contemplated without alarm.

Ours is emphatically a government of law. We have no military poM'cr to awe the people into reluctant obedience ; we have no long line of pi-ecedents to give reverence and au- thority to modes of thought and of action, that have received the sanction of ages. It is often said that the will of the people is our law ; in a certain sense this is undoubtedly true, and in another sense it is egregiously false. The Avill of the

IS

people, when expressed in constitutional forms and legal en^ aetments, is the law by which we are to be governed in all circumstances, except when it conflicts with the dictates of conscience ; and our only hope of sustaining our civil institu- tions, is based upon the disposition of the people to respect and obey the laws, which they have made.

But some have supposed that the will of the people is laWy whensoever add hov^'soever that will is expressed, even in an excited, tumultuous assembly, without the forms of law and directly contrary to existing statutes. In this way wd are be- ginning to form novel and dangerous notions of liberty ; the practical definition of which with many is " Right for each one to do what seems good in his own eyes." If law conflicts with private opinion, interest or convenience, it must be dis- regarded, or violated, if that can be done with impunity, and the will of the individual is made his rule of action.

This has with some become the doctrine of the nursery. Children must not be punished for their delinquencies, for that is too old fashioned and puritanical. Better that parents should obey their children, than that these young Republi- cans should be compelled, against their will, to yield to au. thority. The consequence is that family government is pros- trated, and the order of Heaven reversed.

This impatience of restraint soon transcends the limits of the nursery and the family circle ; it goes forth into the world and society soon feels its influence. The youth has little rev- erence for age and little respect for authority ; he follows the impulses of his own heart, and takes the law into his own hands. Let a company of such promising citizens associate together and what is the result ? A person or community of persons perhaps, has incurred public odium ; the law is tardy in its operations, or possibly there is no law that applies to the case ; what must be done ? Why the people, that is, a few individuals, decree, that summary justice must be inflict, ed upon the supposed offenders, guilty or not guilty ; for if guilty, they certainly deserve it, if not guilty, it will teach them not to be suspected. The frequency of these acts of lawless ^iolence, must create alarm in the minds of all that

19

love law and order, for no one is safe, where prejudice and passion attempt to administer justice. This rampant spirit of misrule has sometimes shown itself in the summary execution of gamblers; again in the burning of a Convent; now it com- mits to the flames a culprit negro, and then it attempts the extirpation of the deluded Mormons.

Opinions that countenance and encourage such practices, are sometimes heard from the constituted expounders and guardians of the laws ; and examples that seera to justify the principle are found in our halls of legislation. Even care- worn and time-honored Senators, scornfully trample upon their own enactments, and in defiance of the laws of God and man, challenge each other to deadly combat. What a spec- tacle is this for the youth of our nation ! what sanction to the violation of law ! and must the youthful rioter be punished, while the grey-headed offender escapes with impunity ?

So far only as we are a law-abiding community, can we feope to sustain the institutions of freedom. A people that have cast off the restraints of law, are like a huge ship that has broken loose from its moorings. It is dashed blindly about by the winds and waves, endangering its own safety and the safety of all around it.

Injustice and Oppression must be ranked among our na- tional sins.

Pliffhted faith has been violated, the solemn sacredness of Treaties has been disregarded, and the demands of justice art- fully eluded, that man's base cupidity might be gratified.

The poor unprotected Indian finds bat few to plead his cause, but his wrongs are written in the Book of God's re- membrance. His sighs and his tears, his broken heart and his outraged rights have all been noticed by Him who aveng- eth the weak and the oppressed. The voice of his blood cries to Heaven, and who can tell how long Heaven's vengeance will slumber.

Is it not enough that he has been driven from the scenes of his childhood, and the graves of his fathers, that his march to the untrodden and desolate wilderness, can be traced by the blood of the young and the tender, and by the fresh mounds,

20

which mark the spot where the aged, the infirm and the way- worn found a resting-place from tlie tender mercies of civili- zed man, and the kind charities of republican avarice. Must this relentless persecution follow him to his unwelcomed home, and wrest from him the pittance that was strangely misnamed a compensation for his loss, and then compassion- ately extend to him the poisonous bowl, that he may drown his sorrows by sinking into a brute.

Can a righteous God behold such rank injustice and cruel- ly, and long withhold the bolts of his wrath ?

When the dealings of this nation with the Indian shall be iinfolded^before an assembled universe, what a dark and re- volting chapter in the history of human depravity will be brought to view !

The deed is done, and with respect to many can not now be revoked, but it is not too late, in some degree, to heal the bleeding wounds that our avarice and injustice have inflicted, by diffusing among these children of the forest, the blessings of civilization aftd Christianity.

And what shall I say of Slaveky, that dark spot upon our national character ?

A distinguished foreigner who came among us to study the nature and infer the future prospects of our Government, ex- pressed his opinion in the following terms :

" The most formidable of all the ills which threaten the fu- ture existence of the Union, arises from the presence of a black population upon its territory ; and in contemplating the cau- ses of its present embarrassments, or of the future dangers of the United States, the observer is invariably led to consider this as a primary fact."

This is the opinion of one who had no party purposes to promote, no prejudices to gratify ; he examined our institu- tions with the steady, discriminating eye of a profound phi- losopher, and pronounced slavery as our most formidable foe ; and who will say that he erred in judgment ? This unsightly excrescence upon the body politic, has already interlaced its fibres with the vital parts of the system, and threatens ere long to gangrene the very fountain of life. How it shall

21

be removed is a question attended with serious difficulties. That it cannot be safely extirpated by the rude hand aud the caustic appliances of empiricism, is an obvious truth ; that it is unwise and unsafe entirely to disregard it, until it shall bid defiance to all remedy, is equally certain.

Undue excitement and harsh denunciation on the one hand, and cold indifference on the other must be laid aside. An evil of such magnitude demands the calm, dispassionate and prayerful consideration of the wise and iiie good. If prac- ticable and appropriate remedies can be found, let them be applied ; for sooner or later the system must come to an end. The perpetuity of our government demands it, the spirit of liberty that is abroad in the earth demands it, the temporal and eternal interests of the ignorant, degraded slave demand it, and, shall I not add, the equity of God's law demands it.

The sin of Pkofaneness has become extensively prevalent among us.

It has been often said that of all the sins that men are accus- tomed to commit, profane swearing is the least excusable. It procures no advantage, neither reputation, power nor wealth. It is an open and flagrant violation of God's command, and a marked contempt for the sacredness of His character. It is not peculiar to the beardless boy, that thinks to swell himself into manhood, by his profane oaths and imprecations, no^ to the sailor before the mast: it is heard among men, who claim to be respectable, even in our halls of congress and on the bench of justice: the framers of our laws, the guardians of our rights and of pubUc virtue, outrage the moral sense of the people, and pour contempt upon that holy name which all heaven adores. " The Lord will not hold him guiltless, that taketh his name in vain."

Last, though not least, in this enumeration of national sins, I shall mention intemperance. Its evils are too familiar to require particular specification ; a monster vice it is, that stalks through our country seeking whom it may devour ; a modern Moloch, upon whose bloody altars, fifty thousand victims are annually self-immolated, and $150,000,000 appropriated to the support of this idol. Foreigners have not

22

wuch exaggerated, when they have called us a nation of drunks crds.

What a catalogue of sins! Infidelit)', Sabbath desecration, Falsehood and Detraction, Covetousness, Lawless violence. Injustice and Oppression, Profaneness and Intemperance. If unchecked what must bs the effect upon this nation ?

We have all indulged the pleasing idea that our country is destined to exert a commanding influence upon the nations of the earth. It has been the theme of the orator, the states- man, and the poet. In the brightness and ardor of their po- litical visions, they have seen kings divested of their royal robes, thrones crumbling in the dust, long established dynas- ties overthrown, and the governments of the old world recon- structed after the model of Republican America.

The christian, too, has contemplated with no little enthu- siasm, the probable influence of this nation upon the moral destinies of the world. Our free institutions, unshackled by civil or ecclesiastical despotism, our inexhaustible resources, our unequalled commercial enterprise, the piety and energy of our evangelical churches, have induced not a few to be- heve that America is destined to take a conspicuous stand in the moral renovation of the world. Channels of influence, it is said are opened from our country to all parts of the habit- able globe. This is indeed true. But, alas! if the fountain be not pure how can it send forth healthful streams ? If iufi. delity, open or secret, if disregard of law human and divine, if falsehood, injustice, intemperance, oppression, idolatry and vice in its worse form, gain the ascendancy among us at home, what possible ground to hope that we shall take a prominent part in evangeUzing the heathen ?

Have christians ever reflected, that if they fail to discharge their duty to themselves and their country, the day may yet come, when their heathen descendants will receive the Gospel at the hand of christian missionaries from China.

And will republican freemen remember, that the problem, whether men are capable of self-government, is not yet solv- ed ? The experiment has often been tried, and as often has it failed. We have commenced the solution under more fa-

23

vorable auspices, with the lamp of past experience for ousf guide, and the wrecks of former Republics, strewed around to warn us of our danger.

And that noble bird, which perches so proudly upon our standards, speaks to us silent but emphatic lessons of caution and of vigilance. He was once the presiding genius of Ro- man liberty, and when that renowned republic fell a prey to its own vices, he departed thence to seek a resting place in the land of the free. Over that shield which bears the stripes and the stars of our Union, he has extended his protecting wings, to guard it from the assaults of external foes ; while his presence, that meets our eye on every side, reminds us of what Rome once was, and by what vices the liberties of Rome were subverted. It is a perpetual memento, that pop- ular governments have more to apprehend from vice and cor- ruption within, than from all the enemies that can assail them from without.

If perpetual vigilance is the price of liberty, can we safely or wisely refuse to guard against those vices which have prov- ed so disastrous to other Republics ? Shall we close our eyes to the danger, until no hope of escape isjeft for us ? Shall parties be contending for momentary preeminence, when causes are at work, that must, if unchecked, resolve society into its original elements? Shall we attempt by slight exter- nal remedies, to eradicate a disease which is corroding and poisoning the seat of life ?

What then must be done? How can we avert the evils that threaten us, and perpetuate unimpaired our civil and re- ligious institutions?

The sentiments of the present executive, are worthy the Chief Magistrate of a great and christian nation.

" When a Christian people feel themselves to be overtaken by a great public calamity, it becomes them to humble them- selves under the dispensation of Divine Providence,to recognize His righteous government over the children of men, to acknowl- edge his goodness in time past, as well as their own unwor- thiness, and to supplicate His merciful protection for the fu- ture." He recommends, " that we all with one accord, on

24

this day, join in humble and reverential approach to Him in whose hands we are, invoking Him to inspire us with a prop- er spirit and temper of heart and mind under these frowns of His Providence, and still to bestow His gracious benedictions upon our government and our country."

In God is our only hope, and to Him we must go with the language of contrition and of penitent confession, and hum- bly implore the forgiveness of our own sins and of the sins of this nation. But we must not forget that reformation is an essential part of genuine repentance, and that national refor- mation is nothing less than the reformation of the individuals of a nation. Let each one then begin the work at home, and see that his own vineyard is well cultivated, before he at- tempts to cultivate that of his neighbor. When his own ex- ample is correct, let him throw the weight of his influence into every good work, that promises to benefit his fellow men.

Can he do nothing to stay the progress of intemperance ? Can he in no way promote the sanctification of the Sabbath? Has he no influence in maintaining the authority of law and

order?

Can he not rebuke the intemperate spirit of party which prevails around him ? Has he no influence to bear upon the licentiousness of the party press, which is one of the crying sins of the nation ?

Does he reverence the word and the institutions of God ; is he doing w hat he can to bring this nation under the influ- ence of gospel truth?

There is a great work to be done, and in it, all must bear a part. Temporary or superficial reformation will not meet the case, it must be thorough and efficient. Let the foundations be well laid, and we may hope for a durable edifice.

Parents siust engage in this work of refor^i, and train up their children in the way in which they should go, not as multitudes do, in the way in which they would go. Skill and patience will be requisite, but duty to themselves, to their children, to their country and their God, urges them to effort and fidelity. They must teach their children to re- spect established authority, to obey parental commands. Th«

25

family institution is admirably fitted to train republicans ; it is an institution of mild, but decided law. Children, obey your parents,'and parents, provoke not your children to wrath but bring them up in the nurture and admonition, i. e., in the instruction and discipline of the Lord. Obedience is one of the first lessons that a child should learn, and it must be thoroughly inculcated ; secure obedience by mild means if you can, by forcible means if you must ; at all events, en- force obedience. Do not forget that the rod and reproof give wisdom, but a child left to himself bringeth his parents to shame.

Think you that the lad who is his own master at eight, and his father's master at twelve, who runs at large uncon- trolled by authority, tutored only in the morality of the streets, and ready for every scene of dissipation and riot that opens before him, think you that he is a fit member of that Repub- lic, whose foundations are virtue and intelligence ? Who inflicts a more ungrateful and a more desperate wound upon his country than he who sends into society idle, indolent and vicious sons ? Every parent should feel sacredly bound to implant early in the hearts of his children, the principles of virtue, and then carefully watch their germination, guard and protect the tender plant from the chilling blast of self- ishness, until it reaches the strength, proportions and maturi- ty of life. The child that has well learned the lessons of obe- dience in the family circle, will know how to obey the laws of his country and the laws of his God. Let parents faithful- ly and in the fear of God, discharge their duty to their children, and we may dismiss our fears for the safety of the Republic.

Our instructors must engage in this work, and make their schools, nurseries of virtue ; the moral training of chil- dren and youth must form a more prominent part of their ed- ucation, in all our institutions of learning. How little atten- tion, comparatively, is now paid to the cultivation of the con- science, the principle of veracity, the social sympathies, the aftections, self denial and benevolence ! The governing mo- 4

26

tive with most teachers is, the devehpmenl of mind. Is this the way to train up a nation for self-government ? Is it wise or safe to call into action the intellectual energies and leave the moral feelings uncultivated ? Can it be pleasing to God to see intellect worshiped, and the heart neglected ? Our youth, then, must be taught that "the fear of the Lord is the be- ginning of wisdom, and to depart from evil is understand- ing," that the love of God is the foundation of all true happi- ness in this world and in that which is to come.

Those who enjoy the right of suffrage must engage, in the wokk.

Conscience must have something to do in the performance of our political duties. How many now feel constrained to vote for men whose character they cannot approve, merely by the force of party dictation. Of all the tyrants, that have warred against personal liberty, none is more relentless and unappeasable than pari?/. It annihilates choice, it tramples up- on reason, it hushes the suggestions of conscience, and re- duces its victims to involuntary, abject servitude. What follows ? Why, men of more than questionable morality are elevated to places of distinction, and the influence of oflicial station increases their ability to corrupt public sentiment and prostrate public morals. Is the candidate a scofler at the word and ordinances of God ? has he no regard for the Sab- bath ? is he profane, intemperate, licentious 1 It matters not, the high behest of party leaders has gone forth, and every loy- al subject must obey on pain of proscription and outlawry. And this we call righl of suflrage, personal liberty ! Tell me, 1 pray you, what is the difference between that degree of lib- erty which he enjoys, whose vote is controlled by soldiers with fixed bayonets, and that of the drilled partisan, whose bread is made to depend upon the manner in which he exercises the right of suflrage ? And will freemen tamely submit to this ruthless tyrant and surrender to his keeping their reason, their conscience and their common-sense ? Will tlicy suffer their personal responsibility to be merged in an irresponsible party! Then let Ihcm break their manacles, emancipate themselves iVom political masters, and prove themselves the noble son<

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of those noble sires, who wCr6 governed by no interests but the interests of the whole country, and who acknowlcdgod no dictators, but truth, duty and conscience.

Christians must kngage in this wokk of reform.

It is not intelligence, it is not the wisdom of our laws, it is not the excellency of our institutions, that is going to save us. We may multiply our schools and endow our Colleges, we may frame laws that will vie in wisdom with those of Solon, or the son of David, we may erect a model of government that will excite the envy of the world, and yet the vital ele- ment to our prosperity and perpetuity will be wanting. What ever infidels and scoffers may say to the contrary, the C4os^ pel of Jesus Christ is the bulwark of our liberties. It is here that we find a remedy for all the moral maladies of our race. The sons of the Puritans will not doubt this truth. What has given New England so high a reputation for order, industry and morality ? Not her rock bound coasts and sterile soil ; aot any superior native goodness or acquired intelligence of her inhabitants, but the institutions of religion. To the Gos- pel, more than any other agenc)'' is New England indebted for her proverbial intelligence, morality and enterprise.

Make the survey of our whole country ; visit those towns and villages in which no spire points the weary pilgrim to his future home, where the sound of the preacher's voice is never heard, and you will find profaneness, intemperance and vice, in its most shameless forms, triumphant ; notice the order, the morality and intelligence of that people, which have been fa- vored with the faithful ministrations of tlje Gospel, and you will feel the importance of sustaining the institutions of reli- gion in every town and hamlet in the nation. Let every christian, then, pray the Lord of the harvest to send forth la- borers into his harvest ; that all the inhabitants of our land may take the Gospel for their guide, and realize the blessed- ness of "that people ivhose God is the Lord,

Our statesmen and officers of Government must aid in this national reform.

Let them give the sanction of their example to every moral virtue, and the influence will be felt through all the erada-

28

tions of society. Their public position affords them many op- portunities to show their regard for law, justice and the insti- tutions of religion. Do they really love their country, and desire to promote the happiness of the people ? Do they be- lieve that public virtue is essential to our national prosperity ? How then can private morality be dispensed with? Will the peo- ple be virtuous, while their officers and agents make their own will the law of life ? We are happy to know that some of our law-makers and public functionaries do respect the laws of God, do believe in a superintending Providence, and do act m view of that solemn account which they must render to Him, " who will bring every work into judgment :" but is there no reason to believe that many of them cast off fear and restrain prayer, and have no adequate views of their responsi- bility to God, and settled principles of moral duty ?

What, but some public and signal dispensation of Provi- dence, could arrest their attention and lead them to reflection? God has now spoken to them in a language which they can not misunderstand, and He is, in this bereavement, directing ihem and this whole nation, to those moral qualifications, which every man in authority and every private citizen, in a land of freedom, ought to possess. Some of these virtues of our lamented Chief Magistrate, we will briefly notice.

It was a proud day for General Harrison when he stood up- on that lofty eminence, in the midst of congregated thou- sands, to be inducted into an ofiice that kings might covet. The consciousness of his elevation, the congratulations of the people, the consummation of his hopes, and the triumph of his cause, might have led him to forget the obligations of reli- gion and the Providence of God. But not so. He seized that occasion, in the presence of the nation and the world, to express his belief in the religion of Christ, and his convictions that God is the author of our civil and religious freedom. He says:

" I deem the present occasion sufficiently important and solemn to justify me in expressing to my fellow citizens a profound reverence for the Christian Religion, and a thorough conviction that sound morals, religious liberty and a justsense

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of rcs'iK)nsibility, are essentially connected with all true and lasting happiness ; and to that good Being who has blessed us by the gifts of civil and religious freedom, who watched over- and prospered the labors of our fathers, and has hitherto pre- served to us institutions, far exceeding in excellence Jhose of any other people, let us unite in commending every interest of our beloved country in all future time."

Those sentiments, connected with the occasion on which they were uttered, furnish a specimen of moral sublimity, that has seldom been equalled, and long will they live in the hearts of a christian people, after the fame of the warrior and the glo- ry of the conqueror shall have faded away. This profound reverence for the Christian Religion was the foundation of those moral principles, which he so happily exemplified in practice, especially during the last years of his life.

He was a man of peayer. " More than once" says an intimate friend, "on entering, at day break, the chamber of General Harrison, I have found him on his knees at his bed side, absorbed in his devotions to his Maker, when he could not have supposed that any eye, save that of his God, was resting upon him."

He made the Bible his study. For the last twenty years of his life he was accustomed daily to peruse the sacred page, and to draw therefrom his principles of action and sub- jects for profitable meditation.

He remembered the Sabbath day. There may have been instances in which he supposed that duty called him to travel on the Sabbath, but his pi^ctice in private and public life, was to rest on the Sabbath according to the command- ment. After his elevation to the Presidency, he modestly signified to friends and strangers, that calls of ceremony or of business on the Sabbath, did not accord with his views of christian propriety and duty, and the practice was soon dis- continued.

He regularly attended the Sanctuary. Not we be- lieve as a mere spectator, but as a devout worshiper. After his name was before the people for the highest office in their gift, when in one of our large cities he was informed by polit- ical friends that it would be good policy for him to attend

30

church with oncofthe principaldcnominations in the morning and another in the afternoon, and that arrangements had been made accordingly. After a moment's pause, he rephed— "Gentlemen, I tliank you sincerely for your kindness, and regret only that [ cannot take advantnge of it, but I have ah ready promised to attend divine service to-morrow, and when I go to Church, I go to worship God, and not to electioneer.'' One of his first acts after his settlement at Washington, ■was the purchase of a pew for the accommodation of himself and family in the house of God, and of many Presidents, who attended divine service in that house, he is said to have been the only one that worshiped God on his knees.

He was remarkable for his disinterestedness. The more remarkable because it is so rare a virtue among our public men. In the midst of the speculation, the princely magnificence, the frauds and robbery of the public treasury, it is cheering to find one, who has passed a half century in the service of his country, and has uniformly and successful- ly resisted temptations to enrich himself and his friends.

A clergyman of my acquaintance says, "Gen. Harrison was one of the most disinterested men I ever knew. With ample opportunities for amassing boundless wealth, without any stain upon his character, he always kept himself poor by his generosity, his fidelity to his public trusts, and liis extreme scrupulousness in regard to using his official station or influ- ence in any way or to any extent for the promotion of his private interests. He has sacrificed thousands for the public good, but never allowed himself to receive a dollar beyond his regular stipulated compensation." Says another who knew him intimately, "With the most enticing opportunities for accumulating wealth, during his long government of Indi- ana and superintendcncy of Indian aflfairs, he acquired none. For his services as commander of the expedition to Tippeca- noe, he never asked or received any compensation. And subsequently when in command of our Northwestern army, though he lived as frugally and fared as hardly as any of his fellow citizens in the ranks, yet at his own expense he pur. chased clothing and necessary comforts for his sick and woun- ded soldiers, until he not only exhausted his pay as command- er in chief, but seriously encroached on his own private means. He therefore retired without the spoils of oflice, and

31

with only a competency barely suHicicnt for his £5iip[)ort."

Such virtues have given tlic name of Cincinnatus to im- mortality.

He respected the laws of justice and humanity. During his long military career and civil administration in the west, I cannot find a solitary act of cruelty in his conduct towards the citizen, the soldier or the savage. Invested with discretionary powers almost absolute, no evidence exists, that he abused the trust or transcended the limits of modera- tion and equity. With greater difficulties and trying per- plexities to encounter than usually fall to the lot of a military commander, demanding wisdom, energy and forbearance, and subjecting him to the scrutiny and animadversion of civil and military officers, he found no occasion when he deemed it proper to trample upon the civil and moral law, and main- tain his honor by challenging the offi^nder to meet him on the field of blood.

When cruelly calumniated in a way that was likely seri- ously to tarnish his honor, he put his character under the protection of the civil law, and called upon the offender to make good his charges before the courts of justice. Gover- nor Harrison was triumphantly acquitted, and the jury re- turned the very heavy verdict of $4000 against the calumni- ator. To show that he was not governed in this prosecution by mercenary motives, he returned two thirds of this proper- ty to the slanderer, and the remainder he distributed among th<3 orphan children of some of his gallant fellow citizens, who fell in battle during the last war.

His treatment of the Indians is a lasting monument of his humanity. Kindness to the poor savage was not an occasion- al impulse of his heart ; it was uniform, sincere and long continued. Soon after his appointment as Governor of Indi- ana, in a feeling'and earnest manner he called the attention of the Territorial Assembly to the moral degradation and prospective ruin of the Indian tribes, and seriously invoked the interposition of Legislative authority for the amelioration of their condilion. In that official address, he says :

"So destructive has the progress of intemperance been

32

among tliem that whole villages have been swept away. In the energetic language of one of their orators, it is a dreadful confla- gration which spreads misery and desolation through their coun- try and threatens the annihilation of the whole race. Is it then to be admitted as a political axiom, that the neighborhood of a civilized nation is incompatible with the existence of sav- ages ? Are the blessings of our republican government only to be felt by ourselves ? And are the natives of North Amer- ica to experience the same fate with their brethren of the southern continent ? It is with you, gentlemen, to divert from those children of nature the ruin that hangs over them. Nor can I believe that the time will be considered misspent which is devoted to an object so consistent with the spirit of Christianity and with the principles of republicanism."

These sentiments were uttered nearly forty years ago, and the same tender regard for their welfai'e was expressed in his late inaugural address. He says;

" In our intercourse with our aboriginal neighbors, the same liberality and justice which marked the course prescribed to me by two illustrious predecessors when acting under their di- rection, in the discharge of the duties of superintend '-nt and commissioner, shall be strictly observed. I can conceive of no more sublime spectacle none more likely to propitiate an impartial and common Creator, than a rigid adherence to the principles of justice on the part of a powerful nation, in its transactions with a weaker and an uncivilized people, whom circumstances have placed at its disposal."

These are the sentiments of magnanimous patriotism and of Christian philanthropy.

He was not under the influence of violent party

SPIRIT.

He doubtless had strong preferences for men and measures ; but he seems to have entertained no vindictive or unkind feel- ings towards those who differed from or opposed him. The utmost latitude of thought and opinion on political subjects he did not disapprove, provided they were not expressed in vio- lent and ill tempered language. But against that reckless and excited spirit of party which has agitated our country for a few years past, he bore earnest and decided testimony.

"To me," he says, "it appears perfectly clear, that the interest of the country requires that the violence of the spirit by which those parties are at this time governed must be greatly miti-

33

gated, if not entirely extinguished, or consequences will ensue which are appalling to be thought of."

This censure was not applied to that party only, which had so strenuously opposed his election, but to that party equally, if it was equally guilty, by which he had been elevated to of- fice. And this was not merely sentiment, it accorded with the habits of his life. Says a clergyman who knew him well :

" He was very sensitive to censure and reproach, too much so for his own peace ; and yet, sensitive as he was, and se- verely as he was tried during the Presidential conflict, he never manifested any thing like vindictive or revengeful feel- ing. Nothing could be more gratifying to his friends or more surprising to strangers than the equanimity and kindness of feeling with which he always alluded to his opponents. Af- ter the conflict was all over and he had been elected to the Pres- identship by an overwhelming majority, it was interesting, it was even affecting to witness the state of his feelings. There was nothing like exultation, nothing like triumphing over a fallen foe, but a serious, deep-seated feeling of responsibility. Shortl^^' before he departed for Washington, I spent an eve- ning with him. I observed to him in conversation, that I scarcely knew whether to congratulate him or the country most on the result. He replied, I do not feel that it is at all a matter of personal congratulation to me : I feel nothing but the heavy responsibilities that begin to press upon me."

Such was the moral and religious character of him, whose death we this day deplore. Mysterious was the Providence which removed him so soon from a station, in which he might have done much by his example and efforts, for the elevation of our national morals. But it becomes us humbly to acqui- esce in this dispensation of Heaven, and to remember the sen- timent of the Psalmist. " It is better to trust in thir Lord than to put confidence in man. It is better to trust in the Lord than to put confidence in princes".

He, whose prerogative it is to educe good from evil, may convert this afflictive bereavement into a national blessin<r. May not this be his merciful design ? In what way could the moral virtues of our lamented President, have been more for- cibly enstamped upon our national character? God is sus- pending in the presence of this nation, a great moral picture.

34

and is calling upon all classes of persons to pause and study it well.

Parents may look and take lessons of wisdom. Let the mother remember that the principles of that character were planted in infancy, when maternal fidelity taught the tender heart and infantile lips to praise and adore the Maker and Savior of men. That sentence in which Gen. Harrison ex- pressed his profound reverence for the Christian religion, is said to have been written in the room where his mother was accustomed to consecrate him to God. A noble monument cf a mother's faithfulness !

The young men of our country should examine this picture, and learn that self-control, benevolence and virtue, are among the elements of true greatness, and that no man is qualified for a station of influence and responsibility in a Republican government, who does not respect the laws of his country, the laws of morality, and the laws of God.

Let every elector study the picture and learn what moral qualities a man should possess, who solicits the suffrages of freemen ; and let them resolutely determine to vote for no man, whatever may be his talents, his capacity, or his politi- cal partialities, who is destitute of moral principle. Let them teach party leaders, that they >\dll not be the instruments of elevating to oflftce any man, who is known to be profane, in. temperate, licentious, or a reviler of the word and institutions of God, and we shall be spared those humiUating scenes of in- iquity in high places, which are so disgraceful to the country and so offensive to Heaven.

Our statesmen may receive valuable instruction from this picture. In it they will see those moral virtues portrayed, which the times and the nature of our government demand that all in authority and influential stations should possess. Let them notice well the republican simplicity, the frankness, the love of country, the disinterestedness, the spirit of kindness towards political opponents, and the strict morahty of that character. Let them learn that the basis of those moral ex- cellencies, was a profound reverence for the Christian religion, which led to the frequent and prayerful perusal of the sacred

35

scriptures : and while they admire the character, let them im- itate the example.

Let the whole nation pause in its career of voluptuousness and sin, and contemplate those virtues by which our liberty was obtained, and by which alone it can be perpetuated, and let it be indelibly engraven on every heart, that "Righteous- ness EXALTETH A NATION, BUT SIN IS A REPROACH TO ANY PEOPLE."

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